On 15 June 1965, Hermann Döbler (42) and his companion Elke Märtens (21) are discovered by two border guards during a boat trip on the Teltow Canal, part of which belongs to the GDR. Döbler intends to turn around at a water stop and return to Wannsee, the starting point of the excursion. What he doesn’t know, however, is that the official border already runs a few hundred metres in front of said barrier. After a few warning shots from the border troops, Döbler and Märtens begin to wave desperately to prevent anything worse from happening, but this is interpreted by the soldiers as a provocation and leads to them shooting down the two boat occupants. Hermann Döbler succumbs to his wounds while still in the boat, while Elke Märtens survives, seriously injured by a grazing shot to the head. While Willy Brandt calls the crime a cold-blooded murder, GDR officials gloat over accusations against Döbler, who allegedly planned attacks on the Berlin Wall and is known as a West Berlin refugee helper. After German reunification, the Berlin public prosecutor’s office brought charges against the border guards, which ended in a 6-year prison sentence for the shooter.

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In 1987, on the Whitsun weekend in West Berlin, rock superstars such as David Bowie and Genesis joined hands to celebrate the 750th anniversary when they performed at the Concert for Berlin on a 76-metre-wide stage in front of the Reichstag building. Just a few metres away, on the other side of the Berlin Wall, music fans from the GDR have come together to at least hear the concerts live. The festival runs over the entire Whitsun weekend, and so it happens that on Saturday a few hundred GDR citizens on the other side of the Wall listen to the spectacle, but on Sunday several thousand listeners are already there.

The organisers, Concert Conzept, clearly intended to cover both the West and the East in order to draw attention to the division, but also to demonstrate the unifying power of music. What is not in the intention of the organisers, however, are the riots on the east side of Berlin that sparked off between police and music fans from Whit Sunday to Monday.

While around 60,000 people celebrate peacefully in front of the Reichstag building, confrontations in the east steadily increase. At first, the People’s Police begin to check IDs and expel people when they try to get a glimpse of the concert. However, after news of the concert and the repressive measures by the People’s Police spread in the East of Berlin, more and more people move towards the Wall, first as music fans, later as demonstrators. GDR officials did not expect thousands of citizens, and so on Sunday and Monday the situation escalates completely. The police try to disperse demonstrators with truncheons, civilian officials arrest individual music fans in groups and all this is drowned out by shouts of Gorbachev and insults against the police and the state.

In the end, it is clear that this was not the last protest the citizens of the GDR were to experience. After the Pentecost weekend, official GDR sources say that the Western media exaggerated the situation and that everything was under control.

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On 22 June 1974, the professional football teams from East and West Germany met for the only time, and that at the World Cup in West Germany. The two teams had already met two years earlier at the Olympics, but the FRG had fielded an amateur team. The group match between the two in Hamburg actually only decided who would win the group, as both participants had already qualified for the next round, and yet it was later to go down in history. The clear objective of Georg Buschner, coach of the GDR eleven, was to have his own team compete against the best teams in the world and to measure itself against the top footballers, which, however, contradicted the line of GDR officials who considered victories at the Olympics to be more important. No one had expected the GDR to show such self-confidence and in the 77th minute the time had come: the winning goal for the GDR was scored, leaving the big favourites, the FRG, stunned. To this day, the West German coach Helmut Schön is said to have told his team that they had to lose in order to be able to play weaker opponents in the next round, instead of Brazil and the Netherlands. However, these are mere allegations. In the end, the defeat in the German-German match caused enough resentment among Franz Beckenbauer’s team that they played their way through the next round with extra motivation, winning the final against the Netherlands 2-1 at the end of the World Cup and thus becoming world champions.

Do you remember who scored the winning goal for the GDR? All visitors who give the right name at our ticket office pay only €7.50* for their ticket until 15.07.2018!
A little tip: The goal scorer himself once said that if one day only “Hamburg 1974” was written on his gravestone, everyone would know who was buried there.

*Reduced admission (students/pupils/trainees/pensioners/disabled people) 4.00 € with the correct answer.

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On 19 August 1989, a joint picnic of Austrian and Hungarian citizens was to take place in the Sopron border area. The reason for this joint picnic was the custom that there had already been several celebrations in the border area by Austrian and Hungarian citizens, to which another celebration was now added. Originally, the celebration was planned by Hungarian opposition members and the Austrian Pan-Europa Union to symbolise the historical closeness between Hungary and Austria. The Hungarian-Austrian border was to be opened briefly for several hours. The organisers had obtained the necessary permission for this from the Hungarian and Austrian authorities, so the Hungarian border guard Arpad Bella was to maintain border protocol during the festival. This was connected to an orderly celebration with the guests who were to ceremoniously cross the opened border on the occasion of the opening of the border.

Unexpectedly for the organisers, more than 600 East Germans suddenly arrived to take advantage of the opening of the border and flee across the Austro-Hungarian border to the West. Through leaflets distributed by West German embassy staff and other opposition members, the news of the imminent opening of the border reached everyone’s ears. In 1989, East German refugees continued to spend their well-deserved summer holidays in Hungary, as East Germans were only allowed to travel to the Eastern brother states, such as Hungary, Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia. Voluntary departure to the West, however, was inevitably persecuted. Therefore, many East Germans used their stay in Hungary to look for new escape routes.

For the Hungarian leadership, the East German mass flight during the picnic meant a confirmation of the previous political course. After all, the flight during the picnic was a test, according to which not only the previous border demolition since 2 May 1989 now found its political recognition, but also the further political development was looking for its confirmation. For Nemeth and Pozsgay, the opening of the border in retrospect was a test that showed how far one could go in opening borders. A good two weeks after the picnic, it became clear that the border would be opened completely, so that on 10 September 1989 Gyula Horn opened the Hungarian western border completely to East Germans who wanted to leave the country. For various actors, such as Helmut Kohl, the Pan-European Picnic was considered the event that knocked the first stone out of the Berlin Wall.

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The East German opposition was fed by various sources; among the opposition members were also those who wanted to leave the country and no longer considered the GDR capable of reform. They considered permanent emigration to West Germany as the only alternative to change their living conditions. With the announcement of the opening of the Hungarian border on 2 May 1989, they had to look for alternative ways to leave the country. Finally, with the opening of the Hungarian border, a movement of refugees began to emerge, as the GDR became less and less committed to reform. The electoral fraud in the local elections alone indicated an unwillingness to reform, so that for many contemporaries it was considered advisable not only to wait for the people to leave the country or to venture across Hungary, but also to campaign for improvements in their own living conditions.

Many East Germans hoped to reach the West via Hungary. But the Wall still existed; even though the border security agreements that had existed between the Eastern bloc states began to break down, as the unity of the Eastern bloc states also became obsolete. Thus, they refused to deport the refugees because there was hardly any ideological bond left between Hungary and the GDR. The refugees took the opportunity to flee again if necessary. In this context, the Pan-European Picnic took place, during which the East German refugees used an occassionally opened border to leave Hungary via Austria. The Hungarian leadership was prepared for this situation and opened the border on 10 September 1989 so that the East German refugees could leave for a country of their choice. The situation in Hungary also had an effect on the GDR, and the mass exodus had an effect on the opposition in the GDR.

It was not until the late summer of 1989 that an opposition formed again, which expressed itself freely and publicly addressed the need for reform in the GDR. Finally, the bloodletting of people became apparent in everyday life, and leaving the country via Hungary became a political issue. The New Forum was formed as early as 8/9 September 1989. This platform expressed political criticism freely and reliably for everyone for the first time in several decades. Other opposition groups also engaged in political activity. Democracy Now and Democratic Awakening, for example, were also founded. These organisations formed a civil rights movement, which created novel possibilities for participation at the time.
This soon led to new protest marches through the city centres of Leipzig and Berlin. Thus there were situations that could no longer be stopped by the authorities because there was a constant danger of people leaving the country via Hungary. Even the surveillance of the opposition did not change the fact that the demonstrations spread to other cities. Threats of violence by the state and the party became obsolete because the party shied away from violence in order not to lose its authority.

Nevertheless, it became clear that the new possibility of protest did not mean the end of the demands. In the end, the situation could not be clarified to such an extent that the protests came to an end. Thus, despite the protests, there were still people willing to leave the country who tried to leave via Czechoslovakia. The West German embassy building in Prague was besieged by refugees in order to extort their departure. As early as October 1989, the refugees were able to force their way out, so that West German Foreign Minister Genscher had to declare that their departure would be granted. However, the East German side insisted that the trains bringing the East Germans to the West should pass through East German territory. It turned out that the passage of the trains through the GDR was accompanied by protests. Eventually, clashes broke out in Bad Schandau and Dresden, which the police tried to quell. East Germans wanted to get on the trains to travel with them to the West. At one point, the protesters used a pram to make the trains stop, but this failed as the trains ran through the empty pram. The East Germans arrived happily in West Germany.

The events showed that for the first time since 17 June 1953 there were protests in Dresden, Bad Schandau, Leipzig and Berlin. Orders and chains of command failed so that protests successfully meandered through the inner cities. These events showed how protests were linked to the movement to leave the country and the East German opposition. On 4 November 1989, a good one million people were on the streets in Berlin and Leipzig to demonstrate for social improvements. The pressure from the streets forced the SED to make concessions. On 9 November 1989, the border was opened at Bornholmer Strasse because the demand for freedom of travel created enormous pressure which the DRR regime had to give in to. A misunderstanding in the media thus led to the fall of the Wall, which to this day symbolises the collapse of the GDR regime.

Associated with the fall of the Wall was the right to travel freely to the Western world. This right was made possible by the opening of the border at Bornholmer Strasse. Günther Schabowski’s statement that all citizens could travel to the Western world immediately led to the GDR admitting its loss of power. The fall of the Wall brought the end of the GDR to the fore as the central event, and with it came the imminent reunification of the two German states. Chancellor Kohl drew up a roadmap for reunification in his 10 Points, which was also widely shared by West Germans and West German politics. Thus, the fall of the Wall also led to reunification, as Kohl’s policy had made the unity of Germany the top priority. Thus, the emigration movement and the protests of the East German opposition led to the fall of the Wall.

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Because of the Potsdam Conference, Berlin was divided into four sectors (Soviet Union, France, Great Britain and USA). Thus, as a result of political developments, such as the currency reforms and the different political systems, Berlin was divided into two sectors. Since 1949, Berlin has been divided into the Soviet East Zone, which was communist, and the capitalist West Zones of the Western powers (France, Great Britain and the USA). The Berlin crisis had its starting point as early as the late 1940s in the tensions between the East Zone and the Western powers, when the Soviet Union demanded that the Western powers leave Berlin in order to renounce any claim to West Berlin. This resulted in the Soviet military administration closing off all access routes to Berlin. The Soviet Union’s aim was to force the Western powers to surrender in this way through the so-called Berlin Blockade. But the Western powers refused to leave Berlin just like that. Finally, the USA relied on the airlift, so that Berlin was supplied from the air. The sultana bombers brought coal, food and other essentials to Berlin. Supplying Berlin from the air ensured that the Soviet Union no longer had any leverage to enforce its policies. The events thus confirmed the division of Germany into East and West Germany.
Despite this first Berlin crisis, the Soviet Union repeatedly demanded the withdrawal of the Western powers from Berlin, which was to lead to a second and more profound Berlin crisis. The Khrushchev ultimatum of November 1958 was once again linked to the demand for the demilitarisation of Berlin. This demand was also aimed at Berlin being a free and independent city. According to the three-state theory, Berlin should become the third German state as an independent and free city alongside the GDR and FRG. Khrushchev’s demand could not be followed by the Western powers. Thus Berlin was seen as part of the Federal Republic of Germany and Berlin was therefore considered part of NATO. Furthermore, the transport routes to Berlin were not to be violated. Berlin also had rights of self-determination. For the USA in particular, giving in to the Khrushchev ultimatum would have meant a weakening of its prestige as a power of order in Europe. Nevertheless, a second Berlin blockade was in the offing.
As early as January 1959, the Soviet Union made a new offer: a peace treaty was to be concluded with the whole of Germany. The aim was that there should be a demilitarised and conducive Germany. The FRG rejected this offer. The other Western powers agreed to this offer. This led to another conference of foreign ministers in Geneva, where the Herter Plan (elections in Berlin before in all of Germany), and peace negotiations with all of Germany and the Berlin question were negotiated. So that it came to an inconclusive conference. Although the conference and a meeting between Eisenhower and Khrushchev helped to ease tensions, the situation was further aggravated when the Soviet Union shot down an American spy plane on its territory.
In 1961, after Kennedy took office, Germany policy changed and he announced the three essentials, according to which it was necessary to accept the presence of American troops in the city of Berlin, free access to the Federal Republic of Germany and the securing of the viability of the city of Berlin. With this, the USA succeeded in regaining the position of the doer. These three essentials were followed by the sealing off of Berlin, so that on 13 August 1961 the GDR erected the Berlin Wall. The Berlin Wall divided the city into two sections, which were now insurmountably dividing the city of Berlin. Accordingly, West Berlin was cut off from East Germany, but it was noted that the three essentials were respected despite the building of the Wall, as there was no expulsion of US troops, access to the Federal Republic at least by air, and the city was still viable. Thus the position of reunification on the part of the SU was now finally abandoned. Nevertheless, the Berlin Wall cemented the division of Germany into East and West Germany, so that the construction of the Wall was intended to prevent a vote with the feet. It also put a definitive end to the border crossing that had developed. Families in East and West Germany were thus torn apart.
The Berlin crisis shows how great the danger of war was. Clever tactics on both sides were able to prevent a major catastrophe. Nevertheless, the fact of Berlin’s occupation resulted in a continuing danger of a more far-reaching confrontation, which, however, was absent from every crisis. Thus, a decisive confrontation occurred when military and diplomats wanted to use Checkpoint Charlie. There, military personnel and diplomats could travel from West to East without being checked. Nevertheless, an example was made when American officers were to be checked in October 1961. A scuffle ensued, so that the Americans brought up tanks. The Soviet Union also moved in with tanks. Only a direct intervention by Khrushchev and Kennedy succeeded in having the tanks withdrawn. This avoided an escalation of the conflict. Nevertheless, Berlin remained an international flashpoint.
The Cuban Missile Crisis was also a direct consequence of the Berlin Crisis and shows how problematic the Berlin question had become. It was only with the construction of the Wall that the conflicts could be contained, although even in the year after the Wall was built, the Berlin question was still dicey.
In autumn 1962, the Cuban Missile Crisis finally broke out because the Soviet Union wanted to station nuclear weapons in Cuba. This was also about advancing the old demand for the demilitarisation of West Berlin. The Soviet Union hoped that this further stationing of nuclear weapons in Cuba would improve its own position in the negotiations on the status of Berlin. The USA intended to blockade the Soviet Union by sea, so that a naval blockade would make it impossible to deliver further nuclear weapons to Cuba. Khrushchev relented and withdrew his nuclear missiles from Cuba. In return, the USA assured that there would be no invasion of Cuba. The Cuban Missile Crisis, however, showed that the Berlin question offered tremendous explosive power. Nevertheless, the building of the Wall and the Cuban Missile Crisis showed that there should be no more crises over Berlin.

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